Towns

Old Brunswick, The Story of a Colonial Town

BY E. LAWRENCE LEE, JR.

[Vol. 29 (1952), 230-245]

A visitor to the mouth of the Cape Fear River in early 1725 would have found an uninhabited wilderness. No white man lived within 100 miles,¹ and even the Indians who had once lived there were gone.² Other than the sea, only a trader’s footpath connected the region with the outside world.³ The visitor might have chanced upon the ruins of former habitations, which would have been the remains of earlier efforts of the English to settle there.

In the 1660’s several groups attempted to establish a settlement along the river. Apparently these ventures were ill-planned and resulted in much suffering and hardship. In 1667 the Cape Fear was abandoned, and the Lords Proprietors, to whom Charles II of England had granted the Carolinas in 1663, shifted their interest to other parts of their vast holdings. The infant settlement of Albemarle in northeastern North Carolina was encouraged by them, and to the south, at the confluence of the Ashley and Cooper rivers, Charles Town was founded. In order to concentrate population in these two areas, the Proprietors prohibited settlement within twenty miles of the Cape Fear River.⁴

From the opening of the 18th century, however, circumstances were developing which were to turn the eyes of Englishmen again to the Cape Fear. England, as a maritime nation, was dependent upon a constant supply of naval stores, which for years she had obtained from the Scandinavian nations. During Queen Anne’s War, difficulties were encountered in obtaining these supplies, and she turned to her American colonies as a more dependable source. The colonial producers were granted bounties to offset the advantages of experience and shorter hauling distances enjoyed by the Scandinavian states. At first it was expected that American production would center in New England, but the milder climate and longer growing season of the South caused attention to shift to that section.⁵

The Cape Fear region was ideally suited to the production of naval stores in the form of pitch, tar and turpentine. Vast acres of pine trees provided the raw material, and a network of navigable streams, with the Cape Fear as the main artery, made the exploitation of these resources possible.

Among the far-sighted men who saw the potentialities of the region were George Burrington and Maurice Moore. Burrington came to North Carolina as governor in January, 1724, and before the end of three months he had arbitrarily lifted the Proprietors’ ban against settlement on the Cape Fear.⁶ The following winter he went there at the head of several exploratory parties which sounded the river inlet and channel and otherwise prepared the way for occupancy.⁷

With the physical and legal impediments to colonization removed, the settlers entered with Maurice Moore in the lead. Moore was a member of a wealthy and influential South Carolina family who came to North Carolina in 1713 to assist in putting down the Indian insurrection. He remained and married the daughter of Alexander Lillington, and through this union became connected with many of the most prominent families in North Carolina.⁸ Because of his connections in both provinces he was able to influence a number of people to settle on the Cape Fear. Among those who came from South Carolina were his brothers, Roger and Nathaniel Moore, and Eleazar Allen and William Dry. From the Albemarle section came Edward Moseley, John Porter, John Baptista Ashe, Cornelius Harnett, the Elder, and others.⁹ Unlike the usual frontier immigrant, these men were not the poor and downtrodden, seeking relief from oppression. On the contrary many of them were men who had attained wealth and influence in their former homes and were seeking new opportunities to increase their economic and political well-being. They came with slaves and other property, and, beginning with the first recorded grants on June 3, 1725,¹⁰ acquired vast landholdings. Not only did they secure large quantities of land, but they chose the best locations along the navigable streams.¹¹ The small landowner was not excluded, but he was discouraged from entering, and so the lower Cape Fear from the beginning became a region of large plantations, with an economy based not on agriculture, but on the pine forests with naval stores as the principal products.

In this growing settlement it was natural that the need of a commercial center would arise. Maurice Moore anticipated this need and the result of his foresight was the town of Brunswick. For this village Moore chose a location on the west bank of the river about fifteen miles above its mouth and approximately the same distance below the point where the stream divided into two branches. While the forks offered certain advantages as a location, Moore’s decision was influenced by the fact that a shoal in the river, called the “Flats,” several miles above his chosen site, blocked the passage of all but small craft.¹² Naval stores were bulky and could be shipped economically only in large vessels. Brunswick was located in order that such ships might be accommodated.

The village was situated on an elevated platform which offered a sweeping view of the river. The soil was sandy, but a good clay sub-soil provided a firm foundation. The location was generally level, though here and there were depressed beds of the small streams which drained the area. A slight indentation in the shore line offered some protection for shipping, and the depth of the channel at that point permitted vessels to anchor within a short distance of shore.

Lots were laid off and on June 30, 1726, the first property transaction in the village occurred when Moore contracted to sell two of these lots to Cornelius Harnett, the father of the Revolutionary hero of the same name.¹³ In the following year, Harnett, a tavern keeper, obtained a license to operate a ferry from Brunswick to the east side of the river.¹⁴ This ferry was a link on the only road connecting the northern colonies with South Carolina.

The village grew slowly, but by 1729 was of sufficient importance to be designated as the seat of government of New Hanover Precinct which was established in that year. Though the town was not provided with a system of municipal government, it was stipulated that a courthouse be built there, and that the precinct courts be held there, as well as all public and church elections.¹⁵

With this the village became the commercial and political center of the new settlement, but it was not long before a rival community began to develop a few miles upstream. The village of Newton had its beginning about 1733¹⁶ when a few traders settled on the east bank of the river near the confluence of the northeast and northwest branches. This a natural development. In early America there were few roads, and those that did exist were inferior and often impassable. Water transportation went far to offset this deficiency, and all who could settled on or near navigable streams. The Cape Fear, with its many tributaries, served as a network of water highways and the point where the two branches of the river met was the logical trading place for the people who settled along these streams. Though large vessels could not proceed that far upriver, ships from the other North American colonies and from the West Indies could, and so it was as the center of local trade that Newton began and grew.

As time passed a bitter rivalry developed between the promoters of the two communities, but the die was cast in favor of the Newton faction when Gabriel Johnston arrived in the fall of 1734 to succeed Burrington as governor. Johnston acquired a lot in Newton as well as a tract of land adjoining the village and openly favored its development as opposed to that of Brunswick.¹⁷ The climax of this rivalry came in February, 1740, when Newton was incorporated as Wilmington. As a result of this action the seat of government of New Hanover County was transferred to Wilmington, as were all port officials. From this time on Wilmington was the center of the lower Cape Fear.¹⁸

It was apparent to many persons whose scope of mind transcended mere political rivalry that this concentration of interest on Wilmington was a narrow policy. To them it was obvious that the continued existence of Brunswick as a deepwater harbor was of vital concern to the whole region. A well-populated port capable of furnishing adequate supplies and protection from enemy raids was the best means by which the entry of large vessels could be assured. The realization of this fact resulted in several steps being taken to encourage the growth of Brunswick.

The port officials who moved to Wilmington in 1740 were transferred back to Brunswick. This meant that all Cape Fear shipping was required to enter and clear at the lower town. In 1745 the General Assembly passed an act which contained provisions to strengthen property titles in the village, to govern its physical appearance, and to control moral conduct within its limits. A commission was appointed to administer the terms of the act, but this was not a municipal governing body in the commonly accepted sense of the term. Instead it was a self-perpetuating body with restricted authority.¹⁹ In 1766 the law was modified to allow the election of the members of this group by the inhabitants, but their powers remained the same. This was the closest the village ever came to attaining local government.²⁰

Other important factors in the political development of town were the receipt of the right to representation in the lower house of the General Assembly in 1757,²¹ and its designation as the seat of government of Brunswick County upon its establishment in 1764.²² The right of representation was shared with only seven other North Carolina towns, and as a county seat Brunswick again became a political center of some importance.

In view of these conscious efforts to promote the importance of Brunswick, it is interesting to note that the most significant political phase of the town’s history came about simply because the royal governors of North Carolina chose to make their home there from 1758 to 1770. North Carolina had no established capital at that time. The General Assembly meetings were held alternately at Wilmington and New Bern, but Brunswick, more than any other place, might be termed the executive capital of the province during that period.

Regardless of Brunswick’s political status, its accessibility was its greatest asset and upon this its being rested. The Port of Brunswick, which also included Wilmington, was the largest port in North Carolina. In terms of tonnage about two-thirds of the shipping of the port used the harbor facilities of the town of Brunswick, with the balance going to Wilmington. Though the two towns were separated by only a few miles, there was a wide divergence in the nature of their commerce. Generally speaking, almost all of the shipping from Brunswick went to England, while that of Wilmington was about equally divided between other North American colonies and the British West Indies.²³

As already stated the economic foundation of the Cape Fear was based on the products of the forest which consisted of naval stores, lumber and livestock. This last category is so classified because the pine mast, acorns, and wire grass of the wooded areas furnished the chief source of feed for the animals.²⁴ Contrary to popular opinion, little rice was exported.²⁵ In fact, the region produced little other than the staples noted above, and there seems to have been relatively little land cultivated.

Pitch, tar and turpentine were by far the chief exports. In the years immediately preceding the Revolution, almost half of the American exportations of these products were shipped from the Cape Fear. Almost this entire amount went from Brunswick to England. In the light of this fact and the English dependence on naval stores, it can be seen that the town was one of the strategic harbors of the British American colonies.²⁶

In general, the lesser products were shipped in vessels that could proceed to Wilmington, and, undoubtedly, most of them did so. This assumption is based on the more central location of Wilmington and the fact that it was a bigger town with larger merchants residing there.

The staple products of the Cape Fear furnished cash with which to buy goods produced elsewhere and as a result the Cape Fear always depended on the outside world for such goods as cloth, clothing, furniture, household utensils, hardware, gunpowder and shot, stationery, medical supplies, glass, spices, salt, tobacco, beer, rum, various foods, and numerous other things which served to make the lives of the people more complete and enjoyable. Even hay for livestock was brought in in sizable quantities.²⁷ The lack of domestic manufacturing with its attendant labor population, retarded the growth of Brunswick and of Wilmington as well. This, together with the sparse country population, due to the presence of large plantations, prevented the development of a commercial center on the lower Cape Fear capable of attracting the trade of interior North Carolina. Charleston, with its more favorable prices and better selections of merchandise,²⁸ assumed the role that Brunswick and Wilmington should have had in the colonial period, and that Wilmington might have had in later years.

A significant factor in the lives of the people of Brunswick, and particularly of the mariners who shipped out of that port, was an ever-present fear of the Spaniards. A trade rivalry had long existed between Spain and England, and each nation made frequent attacks on the trade lines of the other. This activity was concentrated in West Indian waters, but the possibility of attack by a strong Spanish garrison stationed at St. Augustine was a constant source of concern to all the southern colonies.²⁹

This rivalry culminated in 1739 with the outbreak of the War of Jenkins’ Ear, and until the end of the conflict in 1748, the activities of both belligerents were greatly increased. Naval stores were among the English colonial products most highly prized by the Spaniards, and because of this the shipping of Brunswick suffered to a considerable extent.³⁰

The war was brought home to the people of the town on September 4, 1748, when two Spanish privateers with blazing guns appeared before the town. Four days later the enemy was finally driven away, but only after great property damage had been done. During this raid a mysterious explosion destroyed one of the privateers and this fortunate incident must be listed with the courage of the defenders as the reasons for the successful expulsion of the Spaniards.³¹ This raid emphasized the exposed position of the town, and doubtless retarded its later growth.

Fort Johnston near the mouth of the river, under construction at the time, offered some future security, but the fear of the Spaniards continued as long as Brunswick existed.³²

According to local tradition the painting, Ecce Homo, hanging in the Vestry Room of St. James’s Church in Wilmington, was among the objects of value obtained from the Spaniards as a result of their attack. Of greater significance is the fact that a portion of the proceeds from the sale of slaves and other goods obtained at the same time was used to complete the construction of St. Philip’s Church in Brunswick, as well as St. James’s Church.³³

Religion came to Brunswick with the earliest settlers. John Lapierre, who arrived in the new settlement during the winter of 1727-1728, was the first of an almost continuous line of Anglican ministers who served the people of the town.³⁴ This was the only communion that was ever active there. Though encouraged by sympathetic governors, these men of God were often faced with physical and economic hardships, and, worst of all, the religious apathy of a large segment of the people among whom they worked.³⁵ The walls of old St. Philip’s Church stand today as a monument to the labor of these zealous men.

Though James Murray, a resident, mentioned a chapel as being in Brunswick in 1736,³⁶ apparently the first permanent place of worship did not exist until the winter of 1744-1745. This was a small frame chapel, sixteen by twenty-four feet, which was used for divine services on Sundays and as a school during the week. The garret provided living quarters for the minister. This structure continued in use until the completion of St. Philip’s Church in 1768.³⁷

On Whit Tuesday, 1768, St. Philip’s was dedicated in a solemn ceremony conducted by its rector, John Barnett, assisted by the Reverend John Wills of St. James’s Church in Wilmington.³⁸ The completion of this church was the culmination of an effort extending back more than a decade. It was an ambitious project and was built at a great cost. In addition to funds derived from the Spanish spoils it was financed by private subscription and by lottery. More than once work on the structure was stopped until additional money could be raised.³⁹

Both governors Dobbs and Tryon encouraged the construction of St. Philip’s, often when the outlook seemed darkest. Dobbs expressed his intention of making it the King’s Chapel in North Carolina upon its completion and to donate to it the pulpit, Bible, Books of Common Prayer, and a special pew to be used by the governor and his council. In addition he was to furnish the Communion plate which he had been granted upon his appointment to office.⁴⁰ Unfortunately Dobbs died before the construction work was finished, and on March 29, 1765, his remains were interred in the incompleted structure.⁴¹ Tryon not only contributed cash, but also furnished the windows complete with glass.⁴² This latter donation stimulated the final work on the church.

St. Philip’s as completed was approximately fifty-five feet wide and seventy-seven feet deep with walls almost three feet thick. The roof was crowned with a small belfry, but other than this the exterior lines were very severe. The interior, with its arched ceiling, was provided with the customary furnishings of an Anglican Church. The building was described by Governor Dobbs as the largest church in the province, and undoubtedly it was one of the fine churches of colonial America.⁴³

As might be expected the town of Brunswick developed in close proximity to its church. As early as June, 1726, Maurice Moore had completed the drawing of the plan of the town, and in 1745 the General Assembly directed that another be prepared.⁴⁴ Unfortunately neither of these plans has been located. However, county records and other sources provide information which, to some extent, fills this deficiency. A plan based on these fragmentary sources correlates very closely with the map of the town drawn in 1769 by C. J. Sauthier.⁴⁵

As the site of the town Maurice Moore set aside 360 acres. A portion of this area was laid out in half-acre lots and specific areas were reserved for a church, cemetery, market place, courthouse and other public buildings.⁴⁶ The original plan apparently contained 336 lots which, with the streets, would have occupied only about half the allocated acreage. These lots were 82 1/2 feet wide and 264 feet in depth. The city squares were seven lots across and two lots deep. There were twenty-four blocks in all; six along the river and four deep. In later years an additional square was laid off along the river to the north and possibly another to the west of this. The squares were separated by streets. Some of these ran north and south and were connected by others running east and west. About 150 to 200 feet from the river the first street of the town, known as the Street on the Bay or Front Street, ran parallel with the stream. The property between this street and the water generally was transferred with the lot that it fronted. All other streets of the town ran parallel or at right angles to the Street on the Bay. The next street to the west was known as Second Street, but otherwise the names of the streets are not known.

The scope of the town development was never in keeping with these optimistic plans. In the early years lots were sold along the entire waterfront as well as some interior lots chiefly within the first two tiers of blocks. As the years passed, however, the town became concentrated in the upper four squares along the river. The church was on the west side of Second Street just outside this area, and about midway between its northern and southern limits. The courthouse and jail occupied corner lots diagonally across from the church. With a few scattered exceptions the other buildings of the town were located between the church and the river.

The streets of Brunswick were unpaved and did not always conform to the neat pattern planned for them. This gave the village a more irregular appearance than it would have had otherwise.⁴⁷ Shade trees on the streets and in the yards and attractive fences around many of the homes provided a picturesque atmosphere.

Unfortunately little is known of the buildings of Brunswick. There always existed a requirement that the houses be a minimum of sixteen feet wide by twenty feet deep.⁴⁸ This regulation seems to have been enforced, though many of the houses appear not to have exceeded this minimum to any great extent. On the other hand, there were several large homes with elaborate gardens. While most of the buildings of the town were residences, there were also at least one tavern, a number of stores, and warehouses, as well as the church, courthouse, and jail.⁴⁹ It is not clear how many houses were frame and how many were brick, but there were some of both. We know the church was brick, but the earlier chapel was frame. The fact that the courthouse was blown down by a storm in 1769 indicates that it was of frame construction.⁵⁰ When the home of William Dry was burned, the shell remained standing and this indicates that it probably was built of brick.⁵¹ These fragmentary bits of evidence, however, tell us too little of the physical aspects of the town.

Population figures for the town are almost non-existent. In 1731 Hugh Meredith, a visitor, reported that Brunswick contained “not above 10 or 12 scattering mean Houses,”⁵² and in 1754 Governor Dobbs wrote that twenty families lived there.⁵³ At the same time he said Wilmington had seventy families.⁵⁴ If his figures are not exact, they at least reflect the relative size of the two towns. In 1773 J. F. D. Smyth, another traveller, reported fifty to sixty houses, but his figure undoubtedly included non-residential buildings.⁵⁵ Sauthier’s map of 1769 indicates there were about thirty-five residential buildings. These scattered figures indicate that Brunswick, in the years just prior to the Revolution, contained about 200 white persons and possibly fifty colored persons, or a total population of about 250 people.

As the residents of a shipping and trading center, the people of Brunswick were predominantly engaged, directly or indirectly, in those trades. But other people lived there. Most of these ran business establishments or gained a livelihood through the sale of their services. A few others, like Edward Moseley, the eminent provincial leader who spent his last years there, probably were motivated by nothing more than a desire to reside in the village.

Among the early settlers were Dr. James Fergus, surgeon; Cornelius Harnett, James Espey, Hugh Blenning, and William Lord, tavern-keepers; John Wright, John Porter, Richard Quince, and Williams Dry, Sr., merchants; John McDowell and Edward Scott, sea captains; Thomas Brown and Edward Jones, carpenters; Richard Price, brickmaker; William Norton, blockmaker; Donald McKichan, tailor; and Hugh Campbell, clerk of court. A cross section of the population in later years reveals the same general make up. Among the residents at that time were William Gibson, Jonathan Caulkin, and Thomas Dick, house carpenters; David Smeeth, ship’s carpenter; Christopher Cains, blacksmith; John Cains, shoemaker; Alexander McKitchan, tailor; Christopher Wotten, sail maker; James McIlhenny, tavern keeper; Stephen Parker Newman, Revell Munro, and Thomas Mulford, sea captains; William Dry, Jr., and William Hill, port officials as well as merchants; and John Fergus, physician.⁵⁶

By far the most distinguished residents were governors Dobbs and Tryon, though strictly speaking their residence, Russellboro, was not within the limits of the town but adjoined it to the north. Dobbs, who followed Johnston as governor, acquired the property in 1758 and lived there until his death seven years later. Tryon purchased the property from Dobbs’s son and resided there until he moved into the Palace at New Bern in 1770. It then became the home of William Dry, who changed its name to Bellfont.⁵⁷

While the permanent residents of Brunswick appear to have formed a population essentially quiet and respectable, there was a lustier element in the life of the town. Much of the goods shipped out of Brunswick was brought down the river on rafts. The raftsmen were a vigorous group who worked hard and played hard. When these men joined the sailors from the vessels in the harbor the village no doubt resounded to the noise of their merrymaking. We can be sure that they consumed their share of reason why James Moir, the Anglican minister, described the taverns of the town as the worst on the face of the earth, in more ways than one. In time specific laws were passed designed to moderate this particular phase of the life of the community.⁵⁸

Probably the most widely publicized event in the history of Brunswick took place during Tryon’s residence there. This was in connection with the Stamp Act imposed by the English Parliament upon the American colonies. The passing of this act resulted in protestations throughout the provinces. The resistance of the Cape Fear people began with several riots in Wilmington in the fall of 1765 and was climaxed the following February in Brunswick with armed resistance to the royal governor. The immediate cause of this action was the seizure of several vessels for violation of the act and their detention at Brunswick. Armed men from throughout the section gathered there, specifically to effect the release of the vessels, and more generally to bring the operation of the hated law to an end. They stationed a guard around the governor’s home, against his wishes, which, in effect, placed him under house arrest. Some time later they threatened forceful entry into the home if Pennington, the comptroller of the Customs, who was there, continued to refuse to appear before their group. Under these circumstances the comptroller agreed to do their bidding, but only after Tryon had insisted upon and received his resignation. He then proceeded with the group to Brunswick to join the main body which numbered about 1,000 men. There the demonstrators formed a large circle and in the center placed Pennington along with the collector of customs and the naval officer. These three men were then required to take an oath that they would never enforce the Stamp Act. Immediately thereafter the commander of the English naval forces in the river released the seized vessels. Having accomplished their mission, the men dispersed to their homes. With this the tension was released, but revolution had already cast its shadow over Brunswick.⁵⁹

In the series of events that led to independence from England the activities in Brunswick followed the general pattern of the rest of America. The supplies sent from the Cape Fear in 1774 to the aid of the beleaguered people of Boston following their “Tea Party” was but a single indication of sympathy with the trend of events. These supplies were shipped in a vessel furnished free of charge by a merchant of Brunswick.⁶⁰ The application of the various restrictions on British trade was a further reflection of this feeling. The people of Brunswick cooperated closely with those of Wilmington and of the nearby counties in determining the course of action followed.⁶¹

When Governor Martin, who had succeeded Tryon, fled from New Bern and arrived at Fort Johnston on June 2, 1775, Brunswick was thrown into the maelstrom of war. Martin began an active campaign to frustrate the efforts of the rebellious element in the colony, and to rally the loyal element around him. The following spring he was joined by the British generals, Clinton and Cornwallis, who came expecting to join the Loyalists in a move to subjugate North Carolina as well as the other southern colonies. The contemporary press reported that, in part, at least, this plan was designed to secure the lower Cape Fear as a source of naval stores for the fleet at Halifax, and the upper Cape Fear as a source of provisions for the British troops to the northward.⁶² But upon their arrival in the Cape Fear the two generals learned that their dreams of easy conquest had been ended on February 27, 1776, by the American victory over the Loyalists at Moore’s Creek Bridge. In late May, 1776, the British sailed southward to Charleston with hopes of more successful activity.

The period in which the British were in the river was a fateful year for the town of Brunswick. At various times during this period local troops were placed in or near the village for its defense. At other times it was neglected. It had been the target of threats of destruction and of actual raids.

An example of these raids, though it did not occur within the actual limits of the town, was staged in the early morning hours of May 10, 1776. About 900 of the men of Cornwallis and Clinton slipped up the river under cover of darkness, passed Brunswick, and landed at the plantation of General Robert Howe, a short distance upstream. They beat back the American guards from the bank of the river and proceeded to an American post on the Charles Town Road a little north of the town. Finding that the American forces of about 100 men had fled before them, they burned the post, a mill, and returned to their ships down river. This attack in itself had slight significance, and probably was little more than a military exercise for the British.⁶³

Finally, under these conditions Brunswick was abandoned by its people, and English pillaging parties roamed its empty streets. At least part of the town was burned by the enemy, and among the residences destroyed was that of William Dry, the old home of Dobbs and Tryon.⁶⁴ Even after the English left it was still exposed to enemy attack, and because of this it held little attraction for other than a very few of its former inhabitants.⁶⁵

Many of the people of Brunswick sought the comparative safety of Wilmington. These included William Hill, Dr. John Fergus, Capt. Stephen Parker Newman, and others. William Dry moved to his up-river plantation, Blue Banks. Some, like Richard Quince, lay buried in their graves.

With the loss of its population the complete disintegration of the town followed. The state constitution of 1776 took away the right of representation,⁶⁶ and in the same year the office of customs collector was transferred to Wilmington.⁶⁷ In 1779 the political dissolution was completed with the removal of the county seat to a more secure location at Lockwood’s Folly.⁶⁸ In later years we get an occasional glimpse of the old town through the eyes of passing travellers. Johann Schoepf in the early 1780’s reported it as almost totally demolished and abandoned.⁶⁹ A few years later Robert Hunter wrote that the town had been partly destroyed by the British during the war, but many believed that they had been assisted by the slaves from the nearby plantation of General Robert Howe. He added that “only the ruins, with two or three houses that have been since built, are now to be seen.”⁷⁰ Bishop Francis Asbury, writing in 1804, gives us a later view by describing the once thriving village as “an old town; demolished houses, and the noble walls of a brick church: there remain but four houses entire.”⁷¹ Even so, county records reflect occasional transfers of lots in the village as late as 1819.⁷² But the incorporation of the site of the town into Orton Plantation by a state land grant dated 1845 marks the final and complete passing of the town. The price paid to the state was $4.25.⁷³

Brunswick ceased to exist because the principal reason for its being ceased to exist. The war brought the end of the British market for naval stores, and after the conflict the shipping out of the Cape Fear was chiefly coastal, and this trade could be, and was, handled through the harbor facilities of Wilmington. By the time the region regained a dominant role in the naval stores industry, Brunswick was but a memory.

It is obvious from this paper that there are many things not known about the town of Brunswick. This is especially true of its physical aspects. Some of these gaps might be filled by later documentation; others only by archaeological investigation. Brunswick is an ideal location for a project of this nature. It has not been occupied to any significant extent since the time it was a thriving colonial seaport. Today it is covered with wild growth and surface deposits accumulated over a period of almost two centuries. Excavation under this surface would yield several interesting results. It would reveal the form and layout of a colonial village unadulterated by later occupancy; foundations would reveal much about the architecture of the buildings, and of the nature of their construction; artifacts would tell us much of the everyday lives of the people. These findings, viewed as the remains of a type rather than of a single, isolated community, would have more than local significance. Brunswick could well be the North Carolina counterpart of the Jamestown excavations.

Footnotes